Notes from the Bahraini Field [Update 4]

[Ambulance at the scene of a hit-and-run at protesters. Image from http://twitpic.com/47551o] [Ambulance at the scene of a hit-and-run at protesters. Image from http://twitpic.com/47551o]

Notes from the Bahraini Field [Update 4]

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following is part of a series of email reports from Jadaliyya affiliates in Manama. They will be updated regularly to reflect the latest developments in Bahrain.]

Friday March 11, 2011

Ahead of a protest march to the King`s Court in Riffa today (where most of the royal family live), tensions are high. For reasons of pragmatism or principle, many protesters have decided not to join the rally, but hundreds (at least) have already gathered. On the pro-government side, the rhetoric of "mob mentality" has increased significantly on internet social forums, and spilled onto the streets last night. Gangs of youths targeted and forced the shut-down of a number of American franchises owned by a prominent Bahraini Shia family, sticking pictures of the royal family and signs reading "boycott terrorist supporter" on the doors.

Incidents of civilian violence have been on the rise, inlcuding reports of more clashes between naturalised Bahrainis and locals at a girls` school on Thursday, in which the parents of the girls reportedly became involved.

Shaykh Ali Salman, a popular member of the opposition group al-Wefaq National Islamic Party, has called for joint Sunni-Shia Friday prayers at the al-Fateh mosque in Juffair, ostensibly to quell rising sectarianism.

Earlier in the week, protesters were alleged to have harassed a female driver by surrounding her car and chanting after she reportedly drove into a crowd--causing mild injuries to two--shouting and spitting on protesters outside the Bahrain Financial Harbour. The same night, thousands of men gathered around the woman`s house in Busaiteen, reportedly to protect her from reprisals.

Public figures have been stoking fear, with former opposition member and current figurehead of the new pro-government "National Unity" movement Abdullatif al-Mahmood reportedly saying: "Citizens of Riffa be prepared to defend yourselves, but do not provoke an attack on the protesters." Even worse is the incitement of sectarian and racial hatred. In a speech given by former MP Mohammed Khalid (part of a Salafi bloc), Khalid refered to the Pearl Roundabout as place for "mut`ah" [temporary marriage] and of "filth," and referred to released Shia prisoners as "monkeys." He also said that because of the government and police`s lack of action against protesters, the "ahl al-Sunnah" [Sunni community] will have to take care of themselves to stop "them" from "building a maatam in between every house." Apart from the general insulting and mocking of the Baharna (Shia Bahraini Arab), MP Khalid also made inflammatory remarks in which he claimed to have seen injuries caused by protesters to riot police when the latter stormed the Pearl Roundabout and four civilians were killed. In this context, he asked his audience, "if they could do this to a security man, then what would they do to you and our sisters?"

Meanwshile, Al Jazeera has released a powerful short documentary as part of its "People and Power" programme, which follows the Bahrain uprising and its development (click here to view video). Bahrain News Agency has finally broken the silence on a former military officer who spoke at the Pearl Roundabout criticising the government and supporting protesters, reporting that he is (as was suspected) being detained by the government, allegedly for breaching Bahrain Defence Force law.

And while publicly calling for dialogue and calm, and announcing the creation of twenty thousand jobs at the Ministry of Interior, the web is awash with rumours that the Bahraini government is at the same time "urgently" recruiting ex-military and security personnel from Pakistan to serve in Bahrain`s National Guard. An advert from Pakistani daily "Jung" was reportedly issued on February 24, ten days after the start of the uprising. It was also confirmed that Bahrain will receive "$10 billion" as part of a "$20 billion" GCC aid package for Bahrain and Oman, in the face of civil instability.

And so. Friday is always expected to be a day of action. In a bizarre move, members of `tribal families` in Riffa have decided to stage an "ardha" (dance which "involves men raising their swords or canes to drums and spoken verse. Historically, the dance was performed before going to war, but is now a form of celebration during special occasions.") in a move described as an attempt to "ease tensions" ahead of the march to Riffa.

In the words of a tweeter from the island, "Protesters marching with flowers towards men dancing with swords. What could possibly go wrong?"

[To be updated . . .]

 

[For a concise historical overview of regime-opposition dynamics in Bahrain, see "Distorions of Dialogue."

[Also see out Notes from the Bahraini Field Update 1, Update 2, and Update 3]

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412